Today is the first day of 2022. ABDULRAHMAN ZAKARIYAU in this report chronicles the major political events that shaped Nigeria’s political sphere in 2021.
Though many political events took centre stage Nigeria’s political experiment in 2021, the major ones occurred within the two major political parties, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the leading opposition, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
Aside from what happened within these parties, other major political events occurred within the Executive and Legislative arms of the government, mainly the National Assembly and the Presidency.
Exit Secondus, enter Ayu
For the main opposition party, all appeared to be normal, as the party’s National Working Committee (NWC) continued to run the party, until August 2021, when the longest national chairman of the party, Prince Uche Secondus, was restrained by the High Court in Rivers state from parading himself as the national chairman.
The order was given by Justice O. Gbasam of the state High Court sitting in Degema local government area in suit No: PHC/2183/CS/2021 filed by Ibeawuchi Ernest Alex, Dennis Nna Amadi, Emmanuel Stephen and Umezirike Onucha against Uche Secondus (1st defendant) and the PDP (2nd defendant).
The order read in part, “An order restraining the 1st defendant from parading himself as member of the 2nd defendant or the national chairman of the defendant or performing the functions of national chairman of the 2nd defendant or calling, attending or presiding over any meeting of the 2nd defendant or any committee of the 2nd defendant at the ward, local government or state level or calling for any ward, local government or state congress of the 2nd defendant or setting up committees for such congresses or participating in any activity of the 2nd defendant whatsoever whilst on suspension as a member of the 2nd defendant pending the hearing and determination of the motion on notice for interlocutory injunction.”
It became so dramatic when another court in Kebbi state High Court re-instated Secondus and another High Court in Cross River state barred him from resuming as the party’s national chairman.
Though the matter is still before the Supreme Court, the party through a consensus Elective National Convention in October elected a new set of National Working Committee (NWC) members led by a former President of the Senate, Dr. Iyiorcha Ayu.
In the build-up to the National Convention, many bigwigs like former President of the Senate David Mark; former governor of Kaduna state, Senator Ahmed Makarfi; former governor of Katsina state, Ibrahim Shema, and former governor of Niger state, Babangida Aliyu, were mentioned as major contenders for the position of the national chairman.
Interestingly, after a series of meetings among various organs and caucuses of the party, Ayu emerged as the consensus candidate and was also confirmed by the delegates. His emergence marked the end of the Secondus era. The Second-led NWC tenure was supposed to expire on December 9, 2021. While other NWC members stayed in office till December 9, Secondus was thrown out in August.
The tax war
Another major political event that made the headlines last year was the tax ‘war’ between the Rivers and Lagos state governments against the federal government. Though it was about finance and economy, it gained political colouration when it again brought to the fore the divide between the North and South.
Sometime in late August 2021, the Federal High Court sitting in Port Harcourt declared that it is the Rivers state government and not the Federal Inland Revenue Services (FIRS) that should collect Valued Added Tax (VAT) and Personal Income Tax (PIT) in the state.
The court presided over by Justice Stephen Dalyop Pam also issued an order of perpetual injunction restraining FIRS and the Attorney General of the Federation, both first and second defendants in the suit, from collecting, demanding, threatening and intimidating residents of Rivers State to pay to FIRS, personal income tax and VAT.
Justice Pam asserted while delivering judgment in Suit No. FHC/PH/CS/149/2020, filed by the Attorney General for Rivers State (plaintiff), against FIRS (first defendant) and the Attorney General of the Federation (second defendant).
The court, which granted all the 11 reliefs sought by the Rivers State government, stated that there is no constitutional basis for the FIRS to demand and collect VAT, Withholding Tax, Education Tax and Technology levy in Rivers State or any other state of the federation, being that the constitutional powers and competence of the Federal Government is limited to taxation of incomes, profits and capital gains, which does not include VAT or any other species of sales, or levy other than those specifically mentioned in items 58 and 59 of the Exclusive Legislative List of the Constitution.
Not comfortable with this judgment, the federal government through the office of the Minister of Justice and the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), also supported by almost all the 19 Northern governors added their political weight to fight the Rivers state government, Lagos state government and other Southern political leaders who agreed with the court judgement that states should collect, keep and use tax for its programmes and projects.
While the cold war continued in and outside the court, many economic and financial experts believe that it would ginger other governors, especially in the North, to think out of the box and create an enabling environment to improve the economic status of their states. Others also argued that if the states are allowed to collect and use tax collected for what it wishes, it will bring about tax freedom to states, meaningful development and pave the way for true federalism.
Electoral Amendment Bill drama
The political story about 2021 will be incomplete without mentioning the drama in the National Assembly over the Electoral Amendment Act Bill, especially in the area concerning electronic voting and political parties’ modes of primary.
Over the years Nigerian elections have been characterised by ballot-snatching, vote-buying, changing of results, violence, under-age voting, bloodshed and other forms of unlawful acts that in most cases discredit the outcomes.
And determined to make some changes, the 9th Assembly re-introduced it and the chairman of the Senate Committee on INEC, Kabiru Gaya, and his counterpart in the House, Aishatu Dukku, and their colleagues swiftly set to work on the legislation to address the challenges and accommodate new ideas and innovations through the Electoral Amendment Act.
Notably, the much-anticipated bill seeks to repeal and re-enact the 2010 Electoral Act as well as resolve issues concerning INEC’s introduction of modern technologies into the electoral process, particularly accreditation of voters, electronic voting and electronic transmission of results from polling units.
Expectedly, the section which accommodated the electronic voting and transmission of results generated a lot of rancour between senators and representatives.
The electoral amendment report in the Senate contained 154 sections and out of this, the provision of Section 52 (3) of the Electoral Act (amendment) Bill 2021 was the most contentious. The section deals with the electronic transmission of results of elections, which was one of the major recommendations from Nigerians including INEC. It reads, “The Commission may transmit results of elections by electronic means where and when practicable.”
The amended version adopted by the Senate after arguments, voice votes and votes counted during division states, “INEC may consider the electronic transmission of results provided the National Network coverage is adjudged to be adequate and secure by the Nigerian Communication Commission (NCC).”
After a series of backlashes from Nigerians, sometime in November 2021, the Senate and the House of Representatives passed the Electoral Act Amendment Bill, approved the electronic transmission of results and direct primary as a mode of selecting party candidates.
A seven-man conference committee had been constituted by the Upper chamber to meet with members of the House of Representatives Conference Committee and harmonise the differences in the Senate and House versions of the Electoral Act Amendment Bill.
Under a new amendment of Clause 52 (2) of the Electoral Act Amendment Bill, the Senate resolved that “voting at an election and transmission of results under this Bill shall be in accordance with the procedure determined by the Commission, which may include electronic voting”.
This amendment was supposed to help to improve Nigeria’s electoral system ahead of 2023. However, President Muhammadu Buhari refused to sign the bill into law.
President Buhari noted that the mandatory use of direct primaries for all political parties would be too expensive to execute, adding that it would put a financial burden on Nigeria’s slim resources.
He said conducting direct primary elections “will be tasking,” explaining that “since such mode of election means a large turnout of voters, the move would stretch the security agencies.”
Buhari also expressed fears that the proposed mandatory use of direct primaries “will amount to the violation of citizens’ rights and will lead to marginalisation for smaller political parties.” And that the proposed use of mandatory direct primary elections will also lead to more litigation by party members.
While some Nigerians are angry that the President refused to assent to the bill, others including politicians from other political parties believed that President Buhari had saved Nigeria a lot by not signing the bill into law. Whether it is for good or bad, only time will tell as the amendment takes a bow with 2021.
APC’s failed Convention
The ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) many times scheduled its Elective National Convention, but many times postponed it.
Recall that the incumbent Caretaker/Extraordinary Convention Committee to run the affairs of the party and plan its national convention was inaugurated led by Yobe State Governor Mai Mala Buni was inaugurated sometime in June 2020 after the crisis eroded the party after the sack of the Adams Oshiomhole-led National Working Committee (NWC).
Consequently, expectations were high among party faithful and other Nigerians that the ruling party would conduct its Convention to elect new officers in the first half of 2021, but this never happened. Rather in June 2021, the Caretaker/Extraordinary Convention Planning Committee got the nod of President Buhari for another six-month tenure elongation.
Interestingly, when the six months elapsed in December 2021, the party still couldn’t hold its Convention. However, the party has fixed February 2022 for the Convention where its national officers would be elected.
Some political observers continue to berate the ruling party for its inability to conduct the National Convention for almost two years, while others believe that the February Convention would determine the party’s political future.
Consultations for 2023
Ahead of the 2023 general elections, politicians who are interested in succeeding in 2021 began consultations.
A few have already declared, while many are yet to. But many of them are moving from one part of the country to another consulting with national stakeholders. Top on the list is former Vice President and 2019 Presidential candidate of the PDP, Atiku Abubakar; former governor of Lagos state and national leader of the APC, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu; former Senate President, Dr. Abubakar Bukola Saraki and Sokoto state governor, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, who are yet to openly declare their intentions to run, but have to crisscross almost all part of the country consulting with supporters and stakeholders.
Also, the likes of former Senate President, Anyim Pius Anyim, and the Kogi state governor, Yahaya Bello, have already declared their intentions to succeed Buhari in 2023.
As many continue to consult and engage in subtle campaigns, political analysts believe that 2021 was a year of political consultations for 2023.
