Since CNN’s Nima Elbagir’s undercover video exposing the inhumane treatment of black migrants in war-torn Libya hit the airwaves and cyberspace a few weeks ago, more revelations have come to light as more videos and depressing stories emerge, further sending shockwaves across the globe.
But more importantly, there have been open condemnations of the atrocities that were once ignored, despite several warnings and governments, especially of countries where majority of the victims come from, have been challenged to act and are facilitating the repatriation of hundreds of citizens.
And as the victims, whose stories can hardly be disregarded, recount their ordeal the world, despite the UN secretary-general António Guterres saying he was horrified, still fails to take responsibility, even partially, for the role it has played in turning Libya into the mess that it now is, which has, in turn, made it a safe haven for racist criminals and terrorists that are seeking to roll back history by centuries. And the black race, in the midst of this distressing reminder, is forced to introspect and reflect on its vulnerability and the culpability of its leadership.
In my commentary two weeks ago, I discussed how the late Libyan president, Muammar Gaddafi tumbled from being the poster boy of western leaders’ migration control to a villain and how his removal from power later became a priority and ultimate assassination, via proxies, an inevitable goal. The decision has since turned out to be as catastrophic as the invasion of Iraq and Saddam Hussein’s execution, for which a costly price has been (and is still being) paid.
Warnings about the horrendous crimes against humanity in the beleaguered country, partly fuelled by racial hate, are not new. Out of the rubbles of the formerly formidable country emerged several clannish and racist criminal factions whose appetite for revenge (violence) went out of control from the early days of Gaddafi’s sack.
Gaddafi had, reportedly, fortified himself with thousands of mercenaries recruited from the Chad, Mali, Sudan and Niger, who bravely defended him and supported his fightback even when the country’s military was polarised and its loyalty was not spectacularly trustworthy. And that made the rebels’ total victory delayed. Vexed by the delay, on taking over control after the NATO-aided killing of Gaddafi, the rebels began responding in kind, targeting dark-skinned humans in the country. Many Nigerian and African migrants were caught up.
Tales of extremely horrifying rights violations, sometimes captured by camera, were overlooked despite their possible genuineness. For western leaders, their priority of getting rid of Gaddafi had been achieved. Even former US President Barack Obama ‘regretfully’ admitted not having a post-Gaddafi plan.
For African leaders, their inarticulateness in approaching the matter, regardless of the profound impact of the people and continent, was phenomenal.
So, Libya was left in total turmoil and the black population and migrants were left to silently bear the brunt. But now that more pictures and stories are emerging to highlight the gravity of the problem and they are igniting fierce debates about Human Rights and freewill in the 21st Century, the leaders are now, at least presumably, trying to do something.
African leaders, whose previous silence sounded like a stamp of credence to the atrocious acts, are coordinating, either individually or under the auspices of the African Union (AU), with ‘authorities’ in Libya to work out means of rescuing and repatriating the victims.
Already, hundreds of the migrants, including women and children, have been repatriated to countries like Nigeria, Niger and Guinea. And, with the AU setting a target of repatriating 20,000 within weeks, many more might be home soon. But the big issue is what are they coming back to?
The main motivation, according to those interviewed, for going to Libya was economic. Many of the victims told of how difficult life was before they made the decision to undertake the journey.
But all had their hopes dashed and are returning home to even tougher realities, having lost the little they had to criminals and fraudsters and traumatised by their experience.
Beyond repatriation one hopes the governments would articulate genuine and unambiguous policies to resettle and rehabilitate them and to also de-incentivise those hoping to give the journey a go, which is only possible if real hopes are given by creating jobs or some form of employment to reduce poverty.
Meanwhile, Rwanda’s offer to resettle some of the migrants is a brilliant idea for migration within Africa, as it has the potential to ensure skill circulation, reverse brain drain and generate and circulate wealth within the continent. And, very importantly, it will promote the spirit of brotherliness amongst Africans. Others need to emulate the gesture.
