Chamba Simeh
The veil on President Goodluck Jonathan’s ambition to seek re-election in the February 2015 presidential election was lifted by the president himself last week when he set up the Dr Bello Haliru committee on his declaration of intent scheduled for November 11, 2014. But this is not the news. Just in case anyone is missing out on the bug of the Jonathan notch; an unprecedented, world record setting of over 7,000 pressure groups are rallying support for Jonathan to remain in Aso Rock beyond May 29, 2015. The groups include Goodluck Support Group (GSG), House to House (H2H), Oriental People’s Movement (OPM), Ward to Ward (W2W), Join the Jonathan Journey (JJJ), New Nigeria Initiative (NNI),Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria (TAN), among others.
Apparently, TAN has dwarfed and submerged all the other advocacy groups campaigning for the re-election of President Jonathan with regards to its sophistry, high networth connectivity, broad-based representation on issues, filial ethnocentrism, and megalomania. TAN, which obviously enjoys the backing of the presidency as evident in the physical presence of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Senator Anyim Pius Anyim, has demonstrated these attributes in the high quality state-of-the-art jingles, commercials, advertisements and other persuasive analyses it churns out on television, radio, newspapers and the social media to drum support for President Jonathan and raise awareness to the success of his Transformation Agenda.
Another factor that lends credence to the assertion that TAN has the tacit support of the Presidency is the fact that its zonal rallies, with the exception of the grand finale in Abuja penultimate Saturday, had in attendance key officials of the Jonathan government, some state governors and chieftains of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). In the case of the Abuja TAN rally, where it was mooted that Jonathan would declare his presidential intent, grapevine sources said the president had to make a tactical avoidance of the event in order to dispel insinuations that TAN is the preferred group as well as prevent the group’s usurpation of the functions of the PDP, thus making it a parallel PDP.
It is on this clout and presidential immunity by extension that TAN proceeded to conduct public rallies with impunity. TAN’s zonal rallies were subjects of intense criticism for their alleged breach of Section 99 (1) of the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended), which forbids any political party or candidate to begin campaign until 90 days to the election. It stipulates: “For the purpose of this Act, the period of campaigning in public by every political party shall commence 90 days before polling day and end 24 hours prior to that day”. Although TAN explained that it was merely holding rallies and not campaigns, the trend associated with virtually all the political parties including the main opposition All Progressives Congress (APC), exposed the loophole in this provision of the Electoral Act.
TAN’s leader, Dr.Udenta Udenta, while endorsing President Jonathan during the Abuja rally, said about 12.2 million passionate Nigerians, who are interested in showcasing Jonathan’s achievements, have endorsed the President to continue. “They have signed signatures, with a comprehensive data base with their names, states, local governments, ward and telephone numbers.”
It is trite to state that TAN is acting within the ambit of the principles and practice of democracy which require popular participation. But the group should go beyond reeling out rhetorical statistics of development as well as comparing President Jonathan with accomplished leaders who have taken their countries to the upper ladder of development. In as much as TAN is exercising its fundamental right of freedom of association and of speech, the group, the brainchild of Dr. Ifeanyi Ubah, whose patriotic zeal is impeccable, also owes the sacred duty to the Nigerian masses to walk the talk.
The workability and functionality of the present day Nigeria is still a hard sell even to the passive and gullible public. As a matter of fact, the utilitarian principle of the greatest good for the greatest number seems to be a fallacy in Nigeria. To compound the economic issues of infrastructural deficit, unemployment, de-industrialisation, social dislocation and inequality as well as ravaging poverty, insecurity has not only dispatched thousand of Nigerians, officially put at over 12,000, to their early graves, but it has also rendered a vast section of Nigerians as refugees and abductees in their own country.
The argument that the Boko Haram insurgency preceded the Jonathan administration is demolished by the philosophy that government is a continuum and it is the primary duty of government to provide security and ensure the well being of its citizens. This duty is constitutionally fundamental and sacrosanct for which contravention government could be held liable. It is immaterial that the state of insecurity existed before or was inherited by an incumbent government.
TAN must, therefore, transcend its advocacy to compelling the fruition of the core areas of national rebirth and development. When the chips are down what will count is how President Jonathan deploys the mandate given to him by the Nigerian electorate to the greatest good of the greatest number and not what TAN tells us or the cabalisation of governance.
